Too many commentators are drawing the absolute wrong lessons from the Israeli killing of Sheikh Ahmed Yassin. I'd say that they got it backwards. In that vein, let's start with the final paragraph of David Ignatius's Machiavelli in the Middle East
It would be fatuous to give the Israelis advice about their security. They live under the shadow of terrorism, and they must find their own solution. But they should consider the evidence of more than two decades that Sharon's approach isn't working. Rather than being humbled into submission, the Palestinians have embraced a strategy of suicidal rage. How will this gruesome cycle of violence end? Today that's impossible to answer. But perhaps both sides could begin by considering the possibility that Machiavelli was wrong. Sometimes it may actually be safer to be loved than feared. An Israel that took risks for peace might find unexpected rewards.
Israel is doing a better job of thwarting terror attacks. Last year saw a third fewer attacks than 2002. Why? Better intelligence, better security tactics and the elimination of Hamas commanders. However, bigger trends prime Mr. Sharon's anti-Hamas offensive.
The hard data, however, tell a very different story: that while the war on terror is still far from over, it has actually been making impressive progress.In the intifada's grim second year, from October 2001 through September 2002, Palestinians killed 449 Israelis and foreigners present on Israeli soil, including both civilians and soldiers. Yet for the year that ended last week, this figure was down 47 percent, to 240.
On a monthly basis, the comparison is even more dramatic. Never again has there been a month even approaching the horror of March 2002, the month before Operation Defensive Shield. The 134 Israelis killed that month is more than three times the death toll during the worst month of the past year, and almost 2.5 times the 58 people killed in the second-worst month of the intifada (June 2002, the month after the army withdrew from Palestinian territory following Defensive Shield. It was this renewed surge of killing that persuaded the government to send the troops back and this time, to keep them there).
Furthermore, two of the worst months of the past year were months in which military activity was drastically curtailed: June 2003, with 32 deaths, and August 2003, with 29. June was the month of the road map "peace process," during which Israel largely suspended military operations so as not to disrupt the "momentum toward peace." August was the month of the famous Palestinian cease-fire, to which Israel responded by restricting its own military activity. (In fact, the death toll that August was higher than in 22 of the 34 months without a truce!) One could thus reasonably assume that had Israel maintained the military pressure over the summer, the year's death toll would have been even lower.
It's true that Sheik Yassin, like Osama bin Laden, oversaw a terrorist organization, but unlike al Qaeda Hamas is also a religious and social movement that holds the allegiance of a substantial segment of Palestinian society. Part of finding a solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict involves inducing the fundamentalist Islamic movement to pursue its agenda by peaceful means, as have similar groups in Egypt and Jordan.
In the wake of Israel's assassination of Sheikh Yassin, a number of clichés have been predictably bandied about. The first is the reference to Yassin as the spiritual leader of Hamas. Yassin was really the CEO of a terrorism conglomerate. Hamas has weapons-research programs, international propaganda wings, legal and illegal moneymaking ventures, and a social-welfare network — in addition of course to their core competency, mass murder.
Some Israelis believed Sheik Yassin was inching in that direction; he recently spoke of accepting a long-term truce with Israel if it withdrew from the West Bank and Gaza. His violent death at Israel's hands seems more likely to postpone rather than accelerate any moderation by his followers.
In reality, however, Hamas truce offers are not new. Hamas has, in fact, proposed a ceasefire with Israel no fewer than eleven times since 1993. In most cases, these offers have served to deflect massive Israeli retaliation against the group's leadership in response to a Hamas terrorist act.
Quebec, Canada: The only thing Israel should be criticized for is not having done this sooner. I'll never understand why the world condemns terrorism, yet expects appeasment from Israel. As Bush said, you're either for or against terrorism. There is no neutral ground.Henry Siegman: The equation of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to America's war with Al Qaeda in the aftermath of September 11th, is, I believe entirely inappropriate. Al Qaeda is engaged in an ideological war with the West and with its values. That is not the war Hamas is waging. While its national goals, as officially formulated by them, are extremist, the man who served as Sharon's security advisor until this past September, and before that, as head of Israel's Mossad for four years, has said that Hamas's goals are essentially political, and can be resolved in a political process, but not by means that rely on counter-violence only.
Wheaton, Md.: Is this assassination a sign that Israel is now taking the war on terrorism seriously? Should we expect the same thing to happen to Arafat and other terrorists in the near future?Henry Siegman: Israel always took its war against terrorism seriously. The problem is that it did not always pursue it wisely. The question is not whether Yassin deserved what he got, but whether Sharon's targeted assassinations make Israelis more or less secure, and whether it brings an end to the conflict closer or makes it even more distant. It is perfectly legitimate, indeed necessary, for Israel to fight terrorism. But it is an entirely futile struggle, as the past three and a half years have shown, if that struggle is not pursued within a political framework that holds out the prospect of viable Palestinian statehood for the Palestinians if they act to stop the terror. This Sharon has refused to do, and instead has encouraged and subsidized expropriations of Palestinian land in the West Bank.
Fawaz Gerges: If history serves as a guide, the reaction of Palestinians will be bloody indeed. For example, in March 1996, Israeli assassinated Hamas' chief bomb maker, Yahya Ayyash, who was held responsible for the death of dozens of Israelis. Initilaly, Israeli security services boasted about the success of their assassination operation, yet Hamas subsequently retaliated with a wave of suicide bombings, which killed 62 Israelis and injured many others, and terrorized Israeli society.If Hamas retaliated so brutally to avenge the killing of one of its famous engineers, one can imagine the extent and nature of its response to the assassination of its spiritual leader. Hamas' officials have already promised to avenge his death by killing hundreds of Israelis. It remains to be seen if Hamas can still deliver on its threats. But the writing is on the wall. Ariel Sharon knows full well that Hamas will retaliate and blood will be shed on both sides. Both sides will be worse off.
Six grandiose plans for the carrying out of heinous acts of terrorism, which were at various stages of development by Hamas. This string of terrorist acts, each one more severe than the last, was prevented by the successes of the GSS in Judea and Samaria over the last months. In a series of operations -- most important of which was the liquidation of Adel Awadallah -- the GSS has broken the Hamas military infrastructure in the West Bank. The organization was critically wounded, and the six large-scale acts of terrorism mentioned above were prevented.Adel Awadallah was responsible for these plans. He was killed on September 10th of this year, together with his brother, at a house in Khirbet a-Taibeh, outside Hebron. The precise details of the killing have, for the most part, remained unknown, but it can now be revealed that in the safe house that they used, a detailed archive was found, which led the GSS to a string of arrests and discoveries, among them of Palestinians whose involvement in terrorism had been unknown up until that point, and allowed investigators to learn many details about the structure and method of operations of Hamas, and also about Awadallah himself.
"The man," said a senior figure in the security services this week, "was the central pivot of Hamas in Judea, Samaria and Jerusalem. From the point of view of importance to the organization, he was two ranks above Yihye Ayyash or Muhi a-din a-Sharif, and it may certainly be said that he was the most prominent Hamas commander in the West Bank of any period."